Beverly Perdue and Pat McCrory have agreed to take questions about ethics, lobbying and campaign fundraising at a forum next month sponsored by the N.C. Coalition for Lobbying Government Reform.

The forum begins 11 a.m. Sept. 16 at the Marbles Museum in downtown Raleigh. Each of the gubernatorial candidate will appear individually, give a statement and then take questions, reports Dan Kane.

Jane Pinsky, the coalition's director, said some of the issues the two candidates are likely to tackle include curbing lobbyists' roles in raising campaign money, full disclosure of major campaign fundraising, increasing the openness of government meetings and the availability of legislative documents, and preventing lawmakers from soliciting lobbyists to contribute to not-for-profits.

A new ranking says Raleigh has a new top lobbyist. It also says that some lobbyists' influence has been shaped by ethics investigations and a fight over a real estate transfer tax.

The N.C. Center for Public Policy Research released its biannual ranking Thursday of the most influential lobbyists in the state capital. The ranking is based on a survey of legislators, lobbyists and capital journalists following the 2007 long session of the General Assembly.

Roger Bone ranked No. 1, after seven previous surveys had ranked him No. 2 or 3. His wide variety of clients includes Lorillard Tobacco Co., the N.C. Association of Long Term Care Facilities and the Save our Summers group.

Rounding out the top five: John McMillan, John Bode, Franklin Freeman and Zeb Alley.

Previous No. 1 Don Beason fell to No. 35, following revelations about a series of $500,000 transactions between him and former House Speaker Jim Black. Beason later resigned his clients. Black, a Democrat, is in prison on unrelated corruption convictions.

Bob Hall, who filed the original complaint against Black with the State Board of Elections, saw his ranking jump from 49th to 19th for his work with Democracy North Carolina.

Also seeing their rankings rise: Tim Kent (11th), Rick Zechini (12th), Paul Meyer (25th) and Jim Blackburn (31st). All were involved in the fight over a tax on real estate transfers.

A Dome post Thursday afternoon included information from the N.C. Center for Public Policy Research that was not intended for immediate publication. The post will be republished in its original form when the information is available.

Dome apologizes for the mistake.

The ethics and lobbying reforms passed two years ago allow lobbyists to provide food and drink for lawmakers at "public events."

But the events aren't actually open to the public unless the lobbyist wants it so. Nor does the public find out about them until after they've taken place, when lobbying reports are filed, Dan Kane reports.

Legislation that passed the House this week takes a baby step forward on the issue, but the fix isn't pleasing open government advocates. The bill requires a sign be posted in front of the building if the event is open to the public.

Jane Pinsky, executive director of the N.C. Coalition for Lobbying and Governmental Ethics Reform, said lawmakers could follow the practices of Tennessee and Maryland, which report legislative gatherings sponsored by lobbyists at least five days before the event.

"If Tennessee can put it out, if Maryland can publish it, there's no reason North Carolina can't," she said.

The purpose of advance notice, she said, is so the public knows who is trying to persuade lawmakers at the time legislation is in play.

Rep. Rick Glazier, a Fayetteville Democrat who sponsored the legislation, said he wasn't sure Tennessee and Maryland's practices would work in North Carolina. He said he also had security concerns with advance notification of lobbyist sponsored events.

The bill, which includes other fixes to the reform laws, now moves to the Senate for consideration.

Someone at the N.C. Secretary of State's office may be a fan of David Chase.

A fake lobbyist created by the department apparently to test its software was given the last name of a popular HBO series.

"Lobbyist A Soprano A," listed here on the department's Web site, was given an imaginary address at 1234 Utopia Lane in Raleigh.

It's not clear whether the fake name is a tribute to "The Sopranos" or, say, Kiri Te Kanawa, but lobbyists would probably prefer the latter.

The phone number is real, though. It belongs to a staffer at the Secretary of State.

Only one out of eight state lobbyists reported any expenses in 2007.

According to a compilation of lobbyist expense forms, only 78 lobbyists reported spending any money on transportation, entertainment, dining, meetings or gifts last year. Another 526 lobbyists reported zero expenses during the same time.

Under lobbying laws effective Jan. 1, 2007, lobbyists must file reports with the N.C. Secretary of State on a quarterly basis noting the "fair market value" of any money spent on behalf of a client.

However, few lobbyists write much on the forms, which are filed separately for each client. Of the 93 expense forms with anything listed, 33 were for $100 or less. Only 15 forms listed more than $500 in expenses.

In all, the lobbyists reported spending $46,091, with roughly 60 percent of the money going toward transportation and lodging. Another $13,353 was reported as spent on food and beverages.

The single largest expense was $9,206 by lobbyist Gordon Myers for The Facility Group. He reported spending the money on travel and a conference.

Lobbyist Peter Gilmore reported spending $7,500 on behalf of the Dole Food Co. to sponsor a Farm Day.

And lobbyist Roger Bone reported spending $500 a piece for nine clients on the N.C. Beer and Wine Wholesalers Association's annual "Rush the Growler" party for legislators, Council of State members and their staffs.

Nine groups spent $757,926 soliciting state legislators last year.

According to a compilation of reports filed with the N.C. Secretary of State, three-fourths of the money was spent by the Partnership for North Carolina's Future.

Launched in May of 2007, the group spent $588,441 advocating on growth issues such as open space, water and sewer needs, traffic congestion and housing.

Solicitation is different from lobbying in that it seeks to connect members of the public with lawmakers to influence their votes using such things as Web sites and direct-mail campaigns.

Major spenders included groups that work on growth issues.

The Home Builders Association of Raleigh-Wake County, an industry group, spent $71,340 on solicitation. N.C. Go, which works on transportation issues, spent $32,927. The N.C. Homeowners Alliance, which opposed the transfer tax, spent $19,554.

The remaining groups worked on a variety of issues.

The Coalition for Persons Disabled by Mental Illness spent $19,698. The Alliance for Digital Equality, which advocates for minorities on telecommunications issues, spent $14,676. Dix 306, a group of business and community leaders advocating for the Dorothea Dix hospital property in Raleigh to become a major urban park, spent $8,068.

And Return America, a Judeo-Christian group that opposes same-sex marriage and abortion, spent $3,219.

Other groups may also have spent money. Under state law, advocacy groups only have to file solicitation reports if they spend more than $3,000 on it in a 90-day period.

The N.C. Military Foundation spent $49,000 on lobbying in 2007.

According to state and federal lobbying disclosure forms, the nonprofit started by Lt. Gov. Beverly Perdue to promote defense spending in North Carolina spent about a quarter of its consulting budget on lobbyists in its first full year.

With a tight budget, the group relies heavily on outside consultants, including two lobbyists, Jimmy Broughton and Mark Harkins. Executive Director Will Austin also does some lobbying of state government, and lobbyist John Mashburn also did some work in 2007.

The lobbyists are a bipartisan group.

Broughton is a former chief of staff to Republican Sen. Jesse Helms, Mashburn was general counsel to Republican Sen. Judd Gregg, Harkins was chief of staff to Democratic Rep. Brad Miller, and Austin was an assistant to Democratic Sen. John Edwards.

Broughton, Harkins and Mashburn work for Raleigh firm Womble Carlyle Sandridge & Rice.

In 2007, the foundation reported spending $9,340 for Broughton and Austin to lobby the state government, and $40,000 for Broughton, Harkins and Mashburn to lobby the federal government.

That year, it spent about $212,000 on outside consultants.