When President Barack Obama comes to Raleigh today, he will visit a state heavily invested in the health-care debate where millions are being spent to shape its outcome.

The pharmaceutical industry, working to fight off new generic competitors and Canadian imports, employs 118,000 people in North Carolina. Medical schools churn out doctors torn between careers as specialists or taking the less lucrative but sorely needed path of primary care. And major corporations such as Lowe's Home Improvement are trying to figure out how to cover their employees' medical needs.

In all, North Carolina companies and agencies with an interest in shaping the bills that may reform the nation's health-care system have spent $4.8 million this year in Washington lobbying — a jump of nearly 40 percent over this time a year ago, according to an analysis by The News & Observer and The Charlotte Observer.

National pharmaceutical companies with significant interests in North Carolina have spent millions more. Together, lobbying dollars for GlaxoSmithKline, Merck, Novartis, Biogen and Wyeth have shot up 23.8 percent over this time last year, to $15.7 million.

GlaxoSmithKline, which spent $4.7 million in the first six months of this year, has its U.S. headquarters in Research Triangle Park. The other companies either now have or plan to build drug manufacturing plants in the state.

The lobbying boost comes as the health industry also pours thousands of dollars into lawmakers' campaign chests. The state's two senators sit on the Senate health committee that wrote significant chunks of the reform bill. Several Democratic lawmakers are viewed as sitting on the fence about reform. (N&O)

On Wednesday, the health care debate reaches a fever pitch in Raleigh at the president's town hall and a rally by opponents to his plan. Throughout the day, Dome will bring you the latest on who's there, who's not, what they're saying and what it all means.

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Residents of adult care homes are taking to YouTube to lobby the legislature.

The industry group Friends of Adult Care Homes has filmed a three-minute video featuring residents and their family members speaking about the benefits.

The video notes that state budget proposals would cut $25 million from adult care homes, arguing they are already "consistently underfunded" and some would fail. 

"I would live with my family, but they all go to work," says one woman in the video. "I'd be all by myself. I don't know if I could handle myself any more, so I do need somebody."

Friends of Adult Care Homes is e-mailing a link to the video to legislators and other people in Raleigh.

"Since the frail and elderly residents who live in North Carolina's adult care homes can't all come to Raleigh, we're bringing their voices directly to you," says executive director Lou Wilson in the e-mail. 

The video had been seen 236 times this morning. 

What does "rush the growler" mean?

After Dome referenced the name used by the N.C. Beer and Wine Wholesalers Asssociation for its annual party, a reader e-mailed to dispute our definition.

In the post, we said the "growler" was a jug or pail used for moonshine which was "rushed" by the crowd when it showed up at a party.

But retired engineer John O'Connor of Raleigh said his wife heard a definition from her parents' friend that dated back to the early 1900s in Boston.

That definition, also given by this linguistics Web site, holds that the "growler" was a pitcher that was taken to a local tavern to buy beer, often by children.

"Rushing the growler," then, was to tell the child to hurry to the bar and back and may have denoted that the rusher, as it were, was an alcoholic.

No one agrees on where the term "growler" comes from, however. 

Gov. Beverly Perdue said she trusts her son.

Asked about Garrett Perdue's recent attendance at the "Rush the Growler" event in Raleigh, the governor said she does not think he is lobbying, according to a story on WRAL:

"I'm not aware of the specific events, but Garrett assures me he's not lobbying in Raleigh, and I take his word for it," she said in a statement.

Garrett Perdue declined to comment, but Womble Carlyle spokesman Russell Thomas said he wasn't lobbying and attended the event solely because he knew others there.

"Garrett attended a social event – nothing more, nothing less," Thomas said.

State Rep. Leo Daughtry, a Johnston County Republican, told the station that Garrett Perdue's attendance was not "good judgment." 

Garrett Perdue has been spotted again. 

The son of Gov. Beverly Perdue was seen Wednesday at the 19th annual "Rush the Growler" party sponsored by the N.C. Beer & Wine Wholesalers Association.

The event is well attended by legislators, former legislators, staffers and lobbyists at the association's headquarters on Person Street behind the Governor's mansion.

What is "Rush the Growler"? During Prohibition, the "growler" was the jug or pail where they put the moonshine. When the person carrying the growler showed up at the party, it was rushed by the crowd.

Garrett Perdue is a lobbyist with Womble Carlyle, the state's largest law firm. Although he's been seen at the legislature and the N.C. Chamber's annual meeting, he and his firm have said he does not engage in state lobbying.

Not everybody in the Order of the Long Leaf Pine is a person.

Over the years, a number of businesses, nonprofits and government agencies have received the award.

Below, the names and dates received of some of the more interesting ones:

BIG BUSINESSES: IBM Corp. (1994), Glaxo Inc. (1992 and 1994), Carolina Power & Light (1994), Carolina Telephone & Telegraph (1981), Champion International Corp. (1994), Coca Cola (1982), NationsBank (1994), SAS Institute (1994), WTVD (1982)

SMALL BUSINESSES: Barnes Supply (1982), Belk-Leggett's of Durham (1982), Burger King restaurant (1982), Cookie Factory (1982), Goin Pet Shop (1982), Lakewood Shopping Center (1982), Richard Childress Racing Enterprises (1994)

NONPROFITS: American Legion Post No. 7 (1982), American Red Cross (1982), Bicycle Transit Authority (1982), Blue Cross and Blue Shield (1994), Mountain View Ruritan Club (1987), Durham Rotary Club (1981)

SCHOOLS: Cherryville Junior Senior High (1983), East Carolina University Regional Development Institute (1982), Collegiate School (1975), students of McCollum Fourth Grade Class (1970), Zoller Fourth Grade Class (1975)

MISCELLANEOUS: Dog Show (1976), Puppy Creek Fire Department (1995), Eastern Band of Cherokee (1999), Carolina Tarheels (1982), The Kingsmen (1992), Mars Hill College Pi Sigma Phi (1984), Members of "Agricultural Market News" (1966)

The House voted on bills to slow revolving doors for state lobbyists and to make it a crime to remove a house-arrest monitor. The bills now move to the Senate.

HB 1136: Adds several state jobs to a requirement to wait six months before becoming a lobbyist. Currently, legislators, elected executive branch officials and department heads are covered by the six-month cooling off period. The bill adds senior officials at universities and the State Board of Community Colleges as well as liasons — lobbyists who work on behalf of state agencies.

HB 836: Under the bill, removing or tampering with an electronic monitoring device is a crime. Rep. Thom Tillis, a Charlotte Republican and the bill's sponsor said many were surprised to hear that tampering with the devices wasn't previously a crime.

A lobbyist who offered to get a constituent's debt forgiven may have committed a felony.

A May 6 report sent to members of the General Assembly notes that state law "prohibits a legislator from knowingly, directly or indirectly, accepting or agreeing to receive anything of value for another person" in return for legislative actions.

The opinion from the joint Legislative Ethics Committee also says that the lawmaker does not have to proceed with the legislation because of the potential conflict caused by the attempted bribe.

"A legislator may choose not to proceed with the legislation," it says. "Each chamber has a procedure to excuse a legislator from deliberations and voting on a bill. The legislator may ask another sponsor to proceed with the legislation."

Previously: Report says lobbyist tried to bribe legislator. 

After the jump, the text of the opinion.

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A lobbyist reportedly attempted to bribe a legislator to kill a bill.

The joint Legislative Ethics Committee reported today that it received a question from a lawmaker who had been approached by a lobbyist over a bill.

According to ethics co-chair Rep. Rick Glazier, the lobbyist told the legislator that a client would forgive a substantial debt owed by one of the legislator's constituents if he killed a bill he had sponsored.

The lawmaker, whose identity has not been revealed, then approached the ethics committee, asking what he should do.

After multiple emergency sessions, the 11-member ethics committee told the lawmaker that ethically he could continue with the bill, but as a practical matter he might want a cosponsor to do the heavy lifting on the floor.

Glazier said he was restricted by ethics rules from naming the legislator or the lobbyist, and the committee has no authority over lobbyists. However, he said that it can refer a case to law enforcement when appropriate, although it cannot confirm if it has.

He also praised the lawmaker for contacting the committee.

"The legislator absolutely did the right thing," he said.

Update: Noelle Talley, a spokeswoman for Attorney General Roy Cooper, would not confirm whether they had received a referral.

"We can't comment on it at this time," she said.

Second Update: House Speaker Joe Hackney said he learned of the opinion earlier this week. All four caucuses were briefed on the issue.

Hackney declined to name any of the people involved.

"The ethics process which we set up ... worked exactly the way they were supposed to," he said. 

How much did Don Beason really make last year?

If Raleigh attorney Michael Weisel is correct, then most lobbyists' clients report from 15 to 30 percent of their payments to the state.

According to a report from Democracy North Carolina, Beason reported $145,521 from 16 clients in 2007.

That would put his actual income at between $485,070 and $970,140.

Of course, Beason is being investigated for underreporting his income — and we use this word to mean reporting below the traditional and reasonable amount used by other state lobbyists — so the real pay could be much higher.

As noted previously, Beason may have reported about 16 percent of his pay from the Albemarle Mental Health Center, five percent from IBM in 2004 and potentially 10 percent from BB&T.